Tuesday May 23, 2023
After a mammoth rally in Lahore in 2011, former Prime Minister Imran Khan gave the impression that his party believed in a revolutionary political ideology that would change not only the political structure of the country but also the society. His followers saw him as a messiah who could rid the country of the crises it was facing.
It was also claimed that PTI workers and MPs would show unwavering loyalty to Imran Khan in times of crisis. People were told that the party has a strong organization capable of facing all challenges.
However, recent defections from within the party suggest that all these claims were apocryphal and the party is no different from any other mainstream political party in Pakistan that relies heavily on voters and deep-pocketed individuals.
During the decade of the 1990s, the late Mairaj Mohammad Khan, the former general secretary of the party, tried to create an organizational structure, but Imran Khan's attitude forced him to leave the party. Mairaj had an excellent team that could be instrumental in shaping the structure of the party.
His comrades were ideologically motivated — people who had faced prisons, trials and trumped-up cases in the past, but had not left their parties for petty interests or monetary reasons. But the PTI chief soon realized that these revolutionaries could not serve as his puppets.
It was wrong to assume that Kaptaan wanted any real change in society. Rather, he was deeply interested in coming to power by any means and was just waiting for an opportunity – which came after the PPP and PML-N agreed to the Charter of Democracy, which united political forces. The country witnessed the first transition of power from a civilian dispensation to another political government.
It was then that the idea of a political alternative was born, after which powerful stakeholders put their energies into the "Imran Project".
A great champion of morality, he put aside all ethical considerations and welcomed political defectors and opportunists into his ranks. His trade was open to all types of people—from the religious right to feudal lords to tillers of the soil; he hailed any man who knew nothing of political morality.
In addition, he has stuffed his party ranks with the nouveau riche who amassed unimaginable wealth under General Musharraf.
The defection in Khan's party may surprise some, but those with a deeper insight into Pakistani politics knew that it was a party of ideological charlatans whose shallow slogans of radical change were nothing more than a mirage.
It was clear that Khan could have no positive impact on Pakistani politics. What progressive mission could he achieve with the retrogressive elements of his party? What change could he bring about by siding with and under the patronage of the biggest symbol of the status quo in Pakistan?
A political party is assumed to have a proper organizational structure with a central committee or other political body. The party of change even tends to do better when it recruits die-hard supporters and committed workers. Such a party does not have only one seat in one city; its roots go back to the level of the trade union council. Its officials - from the responsible UC to the post of general secretary - are elected in fair and transparent elections.
But in PTI's case, Justice Wajih Uddin Ahmed, who complained about the use of money and influence during the party's internal polls, was disqualified. Deep-pocketed individuals surrounded Imran Khan from all corners and party positions and tickets were awarded based on wealth and social status.
Those who believe that PTI was/is a party should let people know how many offices it has at UC, city, tehsil and district levels. How many party bodies were elected fairly and transparently? How many donations did the party workers collect? Would every worker pay some sort of monthly contribution, or would local MNAs, MPAs and voters invest money in party programs and events?
Khan's critics believe that instead of forming a political party, he first created a fan club that soon turned into a cult with brigades of sycophants heaping praises on Kaptaan. When he came to power, he also tried to create a compliant media by threatening them, but sections of them fiercely resisted, preferring to go to jail and face imprisonment rather than bow down to the Great Champion of Change.
It was because of leader after leader leaving PTI because instead of relying on mature political workers, it depended on the electables who are now ready to fly to another destination. Even today, he is not trying to unite political forces but only wants the same special treatment he was given before the 2018 elections.
A historian once remarked, “History has lessons for those who want to learn, but not for those who want to remain steadfast. It is time for Imran Khan to reflect on how he unleashed a storm of political vendettas, curtailed the media, ignored human rights abuses and his disastrous plan to bring back the Pakistani Taliban.
They need to give up the narrative that all politicians believe in filth as it is propaganda by the forces that want to control all politicians including the Kaptaans. His interest therefore lies in allying with political forces and settling differences through dialogues and talks.
If he can appoint Shaikh Rasheed as Home Minister, whom he claimed to have deep contempt for earlier, if he can welcome Ghulam Sarwar and other elected officials, what is the harm in reaching out to PPP and N League leaders?
Saving the country lies in uniting the political forces that gave the country its first constitution, healed the wounds of Pakistanis after the country broke up, enacted the 18th amendment and defeated the menace of terrorism between 2008 and 2018. Nobody is perfect, not even our politicians. But as a politician, Imran Khan must pin his hopes on his fellow political leaders instead of looking elsewhere for relief and salvation. The PDM coalition should also reconsider mass arrests and detentions if it is truly interested in uniting political forces.
